James Meredith, Civil Rights, and the Ole Miss Riot

James Meredith is an African American political activist and Air Force veteran who rose to prominence during the U.S. Civil Rights Movement by becoming the first black student admitted to the previously segregated University of Mississippi (â€Å"Ole Miss†). The U.S. Supreme Court ordered the university to integrate the school, but Mississippi state police initially blocked Meredith’s entrance. After campus riots occurred, leaving two people dead, Meredith was allowed to enter the university under the protection of U.S. federal marshals and military troops. Though the events at Ole Miss forever entrenched him as a major civil rights figure, Meredith has expressed opposition to the concept of race-based civil rights. Fast Facts: James Meredith Known For: First black student to enroll in the segregated University of Mississippi, an act that made him a major figure in the civil rights movement Born: June 25, 1933 in in Kosciusko, MississippiEducation: University of Mississippi, Columbia Law SchoolMajor Awards and Honors: Harvard Graduate School of Education â€Å"Medal for Education Impact† (2012) Early Life and Education James Meredith was born on June 25, 1933, in Kosciusko, Mississippi, to Roxie (Patterson) and Moses Meredith. He completed 11th grade at Attala County, Mississippi Training School, which was racially segregated under the states Jim Crow laws. In 1951, he finished high school at Gibbs High School in St. Petersburg, Florida. Days after graduating, Meredith joined the U.S. Air Force, serving from 1951 through 1960. After honorably separating from the Air Force, Meredith attended and excelled at traditionally black Jackson State College until 1962. He then decided to apply to the strictly segregated University of Mississippi, stating at the time, â€Å"I am familiar with the probable difficulties involved in such a move as I am undertaking and I am fully prepared to pursue it all the way to a degree from the University of Mississippi.† Denied Admission Inspired by President John F. Kennedy’s 1961 inaugural address, Meredith’s stated goal in applying to Ole Miss was to persuade the Kennedy administration to enforce civil rights for African Americans. Despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s historic 1954 ruling in the civil rights case of Brown v. Board of Education that segregation of public schools was unconstitutional, the university persisted in admitting white students only. After being denied admission twice, Meredith filed suit in U.S. District Court with the support of Medgar Evers, who was then head of the Mississippi chapter of the NAACP. The suit alleged that the university had rejected him solely because of he was African American. After several hearings and appeals, the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Meredith had a constitutional right to be admitted to the state-supported university. Mississippi immediately appealed the ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Ole Miss Riot On September 10, 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that the University of Mississippi had to admit African American students. In clear defiance of the Supreme Court’s ruling, Mississippi governor Ross Barnett, on September 26, ordered state police to prevent Meredith from setting foot on the school’s campus. â€Å"No school will be integrated in Mississippi while I am your governor,† he proclaimed. Students hoist a Confederate flag into the air during Ole Miss riot. Bettmann Archive / Getty Images On the evening of September 30, riots on the University of Mississippi campus erupted over Meredith’s enrollment. During the overnight violence, two people died from gunshot wounds, and white protestors pelted federal marshals with bricks and small arms fire. Several cars were set on fire and university property was severely damaged. By sunrise on October 1, 1962, federal troops had regained control of the campus, and escorted by armed federal marshals, James Meredith became the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi. Integration at the University of Mississippi Though he suffered constant harassment and rejection by fellow students, he persisted, and went on to graduate with a degree in political science on August 18, 1963. Today, Meredith’s admission is considered one of the pivotal moments in the American Civil Rights Movement.   In 2002, Meredith spoke of his efforts to integrate Ole Miss. â€Å"I was engaged in a war. I considered myself engaged in a war from Day One,† he said in an interview with CNN. â€Å"And my objective was to force the federal government—the Kennedy administration at that time—into a position where they would have to use the United States military force to enforce my rights as a citizen.† March Against Fear, 1966 On June 6, 1966, Meredith began a one-man, 220-mile â€Å"March Against Fear† from Memphis, Tennessee, to Jackson, Mississippi. Meredith told reporters that his intent was â€Å"to challenge the all-pervasive overriding fear† that black Mississippians still felt when trying to register to vote, even after the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Asking only individual black citizens to join him, Meredith publicly rejected the involvement of the major civil rights organizations. Corbis via Getty Images / Getty Images However, when Meredith was shot and wounded by a white gunman on the second day of the journey leaders and members of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) all joined the march. Meredith recovered and rejoined the march just before some 15,000 marchers entered Jackson on June 26. During the trek, more than 4,000 black Mississippians registered to vote. Today, Mississippi has one of the nation’s highest rates of black voter registration and voting. Highlights of the historic three-week march were famously recorded by SCLC’s photographer Bob Fitch. Fitch’s historic images include the voter registration of 106-year-old, born-in-slavery El Fondren, and black activist Stokely Carmichael’s defiant and captivating call for black power. Meredith’s Political Views Perhaps surprisingly, Meredith never wanted to be identified as part of the Civil Rights Movement and expressed disdain for the concept of racially-based civil rights. As a lifelong moderate Republican, Meredith felt he was fighting for the same constitutional rights of all American citizen, regardless of their race. Of civil rights, he once stated, â€Å"Nothing could be more insulting to me than the concept of civil rights. It means perpetual second-class citizenship for me and my kind.† Of his 1966 â€Å"March Against Fear,† Meredith recalled, â€Å"I got shot, and that allowed the movement protest thing to take over then and do their thing.† In 1967, Meredith supported avowed segregationist Ross Barnett in his failed run for reelection as governor of Mississippi, and in 1991, he backed former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke in his close but unsuccessful race for governor of Louisiana. Family Life Meredith married his first wife, Mary June Wiggins, in 1956. They lived in Gary, Indiana and had three sons: James, John and Joseph Howard Meredith. Mary June died in 1979. In 1982, Meredith married Judy Alsobrooks in Jackson, Mississippi. They have one daughter together, Jessica Howard Meredith. After graduating from Ole Miss, Meredith continued his education in political science, at the University of Ibadan in Nigeria. Returning to the U.S. in 1965, he went on to earn a law degree from Columbia University in 1968.   When his third son, Joseph, graduated at the top of his class from the University of Mississippi in 2002, after having also earned a degree from Harvard University, James Meredith stated, â€Å"I think theres no better proof that white supremacy was wrong than not only to have my son graduate but to graduate as the most outstanding graduate of the school. That, I think, vindicates my whole life.† Sources Donovan, Kelley Anne (2002). â€Å"James Meredith and the Integration of Ole Miss.† Chrestomathy: Annual Review of Undergraduate Research at the College of Charleston.†Mississippi and Meredith remember CNN (October 1, 2002)..† June 1966: Meredith Marchâ€Å"SNCC Digital GatewaySigner, Rachel. â€Å".†On the civil rights trail with Bob Fitch Waging Non-Violence (March 21, 2012).Waxman, Olivia B. â€Å"James Meredith on What Todays Activism Is Missing.† Time Magazine (June 6, 2016)

Career Reflection Paper - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 714 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/09/22 Category Advertising Essay Type Argumentative essay Level High school Tags: Information Essay Did you like this example? Olivia McCarthy Foundations for Learning September 9, 2010 Reflection Paper #1 Upon being asked about my future, I have always been met with anxiety and fear of such unknown. Growing up, as more and more of my peers developed their specific interests and even revealed desired career choices, I only felt lost in terms of what I wished to purse. I found that I was easily overwhelmed if I allowed myself to read too deeply into the dreaded â€Å"what am I going to do with my life† question. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Career Reflection Paper" essay for you Create order I have come to realize that it is much less anxiety provoking, however, if I view this matter on a smaller scale. After all, I do have aspirations and goals that I strive to achieve on a short-term basis. With regard to college, a top priority of mine is to achieve high grades in order to make the dean’s list here at Bryant University. In order to do so, I know that I must alter my High School studying stills into productive habits. For example, instead of procrastinating finishing my calculus homework because it isn’t due until the end of the week, I will strive to discipline myself in order to complete my school work ahead of time, decreasing stress and being a more efficient student overall. In addition to work ethic, I also see myself developing â€Å"active learner† skills, as discussed in Foundations for Learning. Getting the most out of my college education is very important to me, which is why I see myself engaging in specific activities in order to go â€Å"above and beyond† the standard student. As described in the textbook, instead of briskly highlighting text for required reading, I see myself analyzing the information, taking notes in the margins, as well as looking up any information that I am unfamiliar with. This will not only benefit my academic grades, but will also enforce self-discipline and a positive work ethic. In order to support this theory of being an â€Å"active learner† I also see myself being assertive with my professors and developing positive relationships with them. Being comfortable with asking questions and speaking up when I do not understand a certain topic is essential in developing this relationship. As well as focusing on academics, I also believe that in the future I will expand my social experiences. Familiarizing myself with diversity and broadening my horizons is in my opinion important to act upon. For example, as I embark on the Study Abroad program here at Bryant during my â€Å"Sophomore Year Experience† or as I travel after college, I see myself meeting new and exciting people (whether from Spain, Europe, Australia, etc) who can educate me in how their government is run, school systems are set up and overall what it’s like to live in a place that is so much different from my home. In turn, I will be able to do the same for them. Around the end of my sophomore year, I see myself narrowing down a career choice. After taking many different courses during previous years here at Bryant, I see that I finally figure out my purpose and I am confident with my specific decision. As this realization hits, I see myself getting into and working hard in graduate school in order to further my studies before entering the work force. Upon choosing a career I see myself with a comfortable income, independent, in a very positive disposition. After I am able to be financially stable and independent, I see myself meeting my future life partner and settling down. I see this person as being not only my romantic partner, but also my best friend and most reliable support system. Starting a healthy, comfortable family would follow shortly. I see myself living in a beautiful home close to the beach, with my partner and a few children. I see myself maintaining physical health and attractive appearance by remaining active and taking care of my body. With my family I also see opportunities to travel around the world and experience vastly different things in their company. Continuing my passion at work and developing new friendships, opportunities for adventure and self satisfaction would be merely a few more accomplishments I see myself achieving throughout the rest of my healthy, long-lasting life.

The United States Should Pass New Laws To Prevent...

The united states should pass new laws to prevent discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender citizens because along with degrading discrimination socially, politically, and economically through history based on sexual orientation, they face verbal abuse, and other hate crimes in every aspect of their lives which it is against the declaration of independence and constitution. Sexuality is one of the most debated issued in our current politics, followed by leading disputes raised in their communities. Which are composed of education, representation, legal regulations, health, and strategies of political action(====). Equal protection of the law is secured by the fifth and fourteenth amendment and backed by†¦show more content†¦Many more are forced to cover and fake their lives, deny their families and lie about their intimate partner just to get by. LGBT people continue to face real discrimination and there is no federal law preventing them fro being fired or denied work based on their sexual orientation. The military is notorious for their public discrimination of gays and lesbians They can lose their children for being gay or lesbian, and are even denied the right to marry in some states. In 1992 Colorado executed Amendment 2, which opposed the current state laws and blocked future laws protecting lesbians, gay men and bisexuals from discrimination. The U. S. Supreme Court case 1996 Romer v. Evans decision. We must conclude that Amendment 2 classifies homosexuals not to further a proper legislative end but to make them unequal to everyone else. Which Colorado could not do. A state cannot deem a class of persons a stranger to its laws. (Justice Anthony Kennedy, Majority Opinion in Romer v, Evans I) The Declaration of Independence states that; â€Å"we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that t hey are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights. These words of the Declaration of Independence were written many years ago, and even so, the founding fathers believed in the importance of equality. All men are created equal, which should omit them from unnecessary discrimination .†Show MoreRelatedThe Voting Rights Act Of 1965862 Words   |  4 PagesSection 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act is unconstitutional. The Voting Rights Act was meant to prevent historically discriminatory states from passing discriminatory voting laws. The purpose was to end racial discrimination in voting. Section 4(b) lays out the formula for which these states are selected. 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LGBTQ peopleRead MoreEmployment Discrimination Can Wear Many Faces In The Workplace.1703 Words   |  7 PagesEmployment discrimination can wear many faces in the workplace. Three common workplace discriminations are in the categories of age, weight, and sexual orientation. Only age discrimination has a specific law named after it. The law is called the Age Discrimination Act (ADA). Weight discrimination is linked with the Americans with Disabilities Act in order to be enforced. Sexual orientation (Gender identity) is linked with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. There is a new regulation called the LGBT employmentRead MoreThe Profiling Of The United States1190 Words   |  5 Pagespoints out the United States public today has criminalized the religion of Islam and this has caused discrimination on the structural level. Citizens in the United States expect that they are no t subject to marginalization and be treated equally. 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Origins of Health Disparities in Racial and Ethnic Minorities in the United States free essay sample

Health disparities are a huge cause for concern in the United States. The term health disparities is generally referred to as health or health care differences between racial/ethnic groups and includes differences in morbidity, mortality, and access to health care (LaVeist Issac, 12). When comparing the health outcomes between non-Hispanic whites and minorities, the differences in inequality are substantial. For various and numerous health conditions, non-Hispanic blacks suffer disproportionately from disease, injury, death, and disability compared to non-Hispanic whites. In 2006, the overall mortality rate for blacks was 28 percent higher than whites. (LaVeist, 21). Similarly, Hispanics/Latinos also experience disproportionate health outcomes when compared to non-Hispanic whites (2). Among nonelderly adults, 16 percent of black Americans and 17 percent of Hispanics report that they are in only fair or poor health, while only 10 percent of white Americans report the same (AHRQ). Additionally, according to data from the National Center for Health Statistics, 2002, black Americans have death rates that are substantially higher than white Americans for both men and women. Black males have a death rate that is 35 percent higher than white men while the death rate for black women is 29 percent higher than white women. In this paper I investigate the most likely causes as to why these disparities in health and health care exist between white Americans and racial/ethnic minorities, particularly African Americans. After thoroughly conducting research, one of the main causes that attributes to inequality in health and health care among racial and ethnic minorities is socioeconomic status. Socioeconomic status is generally defined through a combination of income, education, and occupation statuses (APA). To further explain, when an individual’s level of education increases, their occupational status also tends to increase, along with their income. Richard Shewder reported on his research about health among the U. S. public in a New York Times article in 1997 and concluded that â€Å"lower middle-class Americans are more mortal, morbid, symptomatic and disabled than up-middle-class Americans. With each little step down on the educational, occupational and income ladders comes an increased risk of headaches, varicose veins, hypertension, sleepless nights, emotional distress, heart disease, schizophrenia and an early visit to the grave. †This actuality is often referred to as â€Å"the status syndrome†. Furthermore, data strongly suggests that the relationship between SES and health is not a threshold actuality. Rather, it follows a continuous model, which alludes that whatever association there is between socioeconomic status and health exists at all levels (Barr, 53). There are two main factors that contribute to â€Å"the status syndrome†. The first is the perception of relatively less privilege. Barr’s â€Å"Health Disparities in the United States†, he describes this phenomenon, â€Å"when one perceives the structure of the social system in which he or she lives as controlling, to a large extent, the outcomes of one’s life, that person is likely to place less emphasis on reducing individual behaviors that are known to adversely affect long-term health outcomes. † To further justify, a study conducted by the U. S. Department of Health and Services concludes that poor people have a smoking rate that is two times the smoking rate of high-income people for both males and females (Barr, 62). A number of researches have also suggested that health status is in accordance with the level of inequality within that society. One hypothesis that explains this phenomenon states that societies that allow large income disparities are societies that tend to invest insufficient resources in human capital, health care, and other factors that promote health (Kawachi, Kennedy, Lochner, Prothrow-Stitch). It is also theorized that the increasing inequality has led to a succession in social capital. Social capital refers to characteristics of social relationships that promote cumulative action for mutual benefit (Barr, 89). A study conducted in 1997 compared responses from a survey, which questioned individuals’ level of trust in their own community, to health data gathered from that community. There was a marked association between perceptions of trust within a community and death rates from heart disease, cancer, and infant mortality (Barr 89-90). Additionally, social trust and group member ship are tightly linked with socioeconomic features, such as educational acquirement, according to analyses that controlled for poverty levels (Kawachi, Kennedy, Lochner, Prothrow-Stitch). A second factor contributing to the â€Å"status syndrome† is material deprivation (Barr). With an increased socioeconomic status comes an increase in access to resources. An abundant number of studies have concluded that low-income communities are more likely to be exposed to environmental hazards, crowded and substandard housing, and lack quality school systems (Williams, 8). Several studies have suggested that a possible contributor to the continuous relationship between socioeconomic status and health is the increased level of stress and chronic stress experienced by those living in disadvantaged homes and communities. Dr. Bruce S. McEwin, director of the neuroendocrinology laboratory at the Rockefeller University, has studied the subject for over thirty years. His research suggests that the interaction between environmental demands and the body’s capacity to manage possible external threats results in problems associated with stress. When the body’s stress load becomes severe or persists for too long without proper time to wane, the immune system can cripple. Other outcomes include straining of the heart, damage to memory cells, and the deposition of fat in the wrong areas (Vaccination News). Stress has also been strongly associated with increased heart rate and elevated levels of blood pressure, which is firmly linked to increased rates of heart attacks, stroke, kidney disease, and other illnesses (Barr, 78). As discussed above, one’s socioeconomic status is a strong indicator of their overall health outcome of racial/ethnic minorities. However, when controlling socioeconomic status, African Americans have lower levels of life expectancy at every level of income (Williams, 176). Therefore, race itself must play a role in health disparities among racial/ethnic minorities. Biological variation certainly exists among the human race, but the differences in genetics between different races are tiny compared to the amount of genetic variation within racial groups (Williams, 176). One substantial contributor to health disparities of racial/ethnic minorities is racism. The historical and political discrimination and racism against minorities in the U. S. is a subject that all Americans have learned about or grown up with. For my investigation, the term racism represents LaVeist and Issac’s definition, â€Å"beliefs, attitudes, institutional arrangements, and acts that tend to denigrate individuals or groups because of phenotypic characteristics or ethnic group affiliation. † Racial/ethnic discrimination that persists places a disproportionate hardship of illness and premature death by those who experience it (LaVeist, Issac, 36). Perceived discrimination of racism can have psychological, physical, and behavioral affects on health. Discussed above, chronic stress has been discovered to increase risk for coronary artery disease, stroke, cognitive impairment, substance abuse, anxiety, depression and mood disorders (Smedley). So exposures to persistent discrimination generates a burden of stress to racial/ethnic minorities in addition to those who already obtain and experience lower health outcomes that are related to their lower socioeconomic status. One effect of racism on racial/ethnic minorities is the restriction of socioeconomic advancement. Residential segregation creates and reinforces this inequality. Beliefs about black inferiority in the early 20th century led to policies that were instrumental in creating physical separation between blacks and whites. Several social institutions participated to enforce this separation. Banks were discriminatory in their lending practices, federal housing policies were created, and the real estate industry, as well as neighborhood organizations, participated in discrimination practices to ensure that blacks were confined to the most disadvantageous residential areas (Williams, 178). One result of residential segregation is the concentration of poverty, which in turn results in the concentration of poverty in school systems. In contrast to poor whites, many do not live in areas of concentrated poverty, and therefore have access to more desirable educational opportunities (Williams, 179). When looking at data from the U. S. Census Bureau, whites are less likely than blacks to never graduate from high school and to graduate from high school but not continue on to higher education. Additionally, substantially more white Americans finish college, obtain a master’s degree, and/or obtain a doctorate or professional degree compared to black Americans. Furthermore, white American men earn incomes that are higher than black American men at all levels of educational status (Barr, 48-49). This explains a possible cause for the higher death rate in black Americans considering Shewder’s conclusion based of the health of the U. S. public. Each of these developments burdens racial minority groups, particularly blacks, in terms of their health. With little access to quality education, blacks have a higher chance of gaining an education worth less than that of whites. Their below-average education results in occupying an occupation with a lower income of whites, therefore resulting in a lower socioeconomic status. As discussed above, socioeconomic status is a clear indicator of health. With blacks having an increased chance of maintaining a low socioeconomic status, their outcome of health is bound to be disproportionately lower than that of whites. One other result of residential segregation on the health of racial/ethnic minorities is the low quality conditions that minorities live in. Those living in segregation tend to have less access to health services, live in environments of neglect and deterioration, and tend to be exposed to environmental toxins and poor-quality housing (Williams, 183). One aspect that could decrease the level of inequality in health status of racial and ethnic minorities is by increasing housing options for minority communities. This can potentially lead to racial/ethnic minorities having increased opportunities to attend quality schools, live in communities with higher social capital and less environmental hazards. The research that I studied and analyzed discussed valid arguments as to why health disparities for racial/ethnic minorities exist. Another way to reduce these health disparities would to be to increase the amount of public health education. Extending this education into minority communities, as well as affluent communities. Increasing the awareness of health disparities of racial/ethnic minorities in America can increase the potential for policies to be made to reduce these disparities. To conclude, two important contributors to the inequality between health in racial and ethnic minorities and the health in white Americans are socioeconomic status and race. Socioeconomic status follows a continuous model in that as one increases their socioeconomic status, their health outcome also increases. As for race, residential segregation has multiple effects on health. Perceived discrimination also takes a toll on the body due to the amount of stress it can cause. Increasing awareness of these disparities and increasing opportunities for minorities to obtain quality living and education are potential options to reduce the inequality in health for racial/ethnic minorities in America.